A Study Of Resiliency In Communities

The Findings

Findings are presented under the major headings of Risk Factors, Protective Factors, Positive Outcomes and Negative Outcomes. Under each major heading, an overview of the dominant themes and sub-themes are presented. Representative quotes are given under each sub-theme.

Risk Factors

The study framework proposed a number of broad indicators which were expected to be related to problems and challenges facing the study communities. Seven risk factor themes emerged: economic disadvantage and unemployment, communal apathy and anger, low levels of participation in community process and development, cultural barriers, low literacy and education levels, geographic isolation, social isolation. Of these seven risk factors, two were predominate. During every consultation, participants were asked, 'Out of all the things we've talked about, what are the three most pressing needs in your community?' The two top concerns were the need for employment and the need for some positive attitudinal change on the part of many community members.

Economic Disadvantage and Unemployment

Economic and employment circumstances in the three communities were central to their selection as study sites. Economic distress is a problem in all three communities. In 46 of the 63 consultations analyzed, 'no jobs' or 'the economy' were the immediate responses to the question, 'What's hard about living in this community these days?' A summary of the main industries in each community and overall economic conditions in each of the three communities is presented first. Participants' responses related to the economy and unemployment are then presented. Three sub-themes were apparent in these responses: the local economy is depressed, financial hardship is evident and predictions of harder times ahead.

Overview of economic and employment conditions:

Cheticamp

Most of the residents of Cheticamp have traditionally been employed in the fisheries or tourism industry. Unemployment rates range between 24 and 26 percent, and many fisheries jobs are seasonal because the Gulf of St. Lawrence is frozen over in the winter. Until 1992, the groundfish industry was the main activity in the local fishery. That year, the industry employed between 550 and 600 people; cod landings in Cheticamp Harbour were 17 million pounds. In 1993, less than 5 million pounds were landed, creating a drastic drop in employment figures in the local fish plants. Since then, the local fishing industry has depended primarily on lobster and snow crab catches. Both these industries are still lucrative and have created a balancing effect in the local economy. Of the 600 people directly employed in the fishing industry (e.g., plant workers, fishers, unloaders, buyers, truckers) before the crisis, close to 250 may still be displaced. The tourism industry is fast becoming the number one industry in the area and seems to gain momentum every year.

Isle Madame

Labour force analysis for 1986 indicated a combination of high unemployment and low participation rate in the labour force, signifying a very weak economic base on and around the island. At that time, fish harvesting and processing accounted for approximately one third of total direct employment. In 1991, 88% of landings in Richmond County were groundfish, making this region especially vulnerable to the devastation created by the fisheries crisis during the early 1990s. A final blow was the 1994 moratorium on redfish and hake, which led to the closure of the Richmond Fisheries plant in February 1995, and demolition of the buildings a year later. This resulted in loss of employment for 300 to 350 workers in the community. Only one motel and one campground are located on the island, suggesting that tourism is not a significant industry.

Dildo

Local seasonal work provides most of the employment. Many residents are unemployed fish plant workers or displaced fishers as a result of the cod fishery moratorium. Today, the local plants offer only occasional short-term work in shrimp and seal processing. Approximately 50% of the population are unemployed. There is as yet little tourism infrastructure in Dildo.

The local economy is depressed

The collapse of the groundfish fishery has devastated these coastal communities, particularly Dildo and Isle Madame. Cheticamp, with a broader economic base because of a diverse fishery and a well-developed tourist industry, has been somewhat less drastically affected.

Across the harbour, the boats at the wharf, you see that there are a number over there. It's not many years ago that they would all have been gone from the wharf on a day like this. They're all basically tied up. The fishery has been jobs for years. And jobs is still a big issue for people...people want work.

Richmond Fisheries was putting $15 to $18 million a year in the local economy. And you had a number of other small operations in the fisheries. The island here was benefitting to the tune of $21 to $ 25 million, and that's all gone. All of it. And not to return. That's a major shift in economic terms.

Many local businesses have been adversely affected.

I mean, this place in the fall used to boom. The trucks would be all over the place. Any night of the week, the bars, there were people. In restaurants. (Restaurant) was open all night long...You could tell this place was alive. Check it out. Check the last fall, and it was scary. Because you would drive and you would wonder if there was anybody alive. And it was very scary.

While the lack of job prospects was a prevailing concern in all three communities, it took on added weight as participants spoke of the implications for youth.

And it's the same thing with the young ones. When they leave school and they do go to university, where are they at? There is nothing for them here in this community. I don't even see anything for my grandchildren.

With local economies based almost exclusively on the fishery and tourism, there are very few full-time jobs to be had. Part-time and seasonal employment, much of it low wage, has long been the only option for most inhabitants of the three communities, and the cycle of summer work and winter on Employment Insurance has been a way of life for most of the population. As the Community Coordinator from Isle Madame observed, 'Whether you are a fisherman, plant worker, pulp cutter or store clerk, you have probably been a recipient of EI benefits at some time or another.' For many displaced fishery workers, The Atlantic Groundfish Strategy (TAGS) program currently provided financial compensation.

Tourism, for example, is one of the big things in the community. But...whether it's restaurants and motels and so on...I mean, they are there in the summer...I would assume that most of them are on minimum wage or a little over. And then after that is over, it's Unemployment (Insurance).

I think if you put the Unemployment (Insurance) statistics in the community with the TAGS and other government programs that are on the island right now, you would probably find that about 60 to 70 percent of the income is coming from some kind of a government program. It's a very serious situation.

In the early months of 1996, as these consultations were being conducted, the country made changes to the Employment Insurance Program, which would have profound effects on seasonal workers in the three study communities. As the observation of a public meeting in Cheticamp revealed, people were concerned about the requirements for a longer work period in order to qualify for EI (in communities where seasonal employment is of limited duration), plus the prospect of both reduced benefits and a shorter period of coverage.

The numbers of jobs have decreased, and the length of employment has decreased as well. You know, it's something that I never used to hear. Even people my parents' age, people who go to work...it's the first year I've heard my father say, 'I don't know if I'm going to make my 12 weeks.' So that is a change. I guess the new UI rules coming in will present a problem because they will more than likely ask for more hours of work or more weeks of work, and that is not available in this area. So I don't know what the outcome of it will be, but it is certainly, I would say, a major problem.

Financial hardship is evident

Most participants had little hesitation in acknowledging that many people were struggling financially because of unemployment and the depressed local economy. They provided many examples.

Well, to tell you the truth, I find that it's getting to be a real problem. I find like in our schools, for example, a lot of our children are going to school sometimes with just the bare necessities like as far as food goes, and their clothing.

Displaced fishers on TAGS were having to cope with drastically reduced incomes, and with accompanying lifestyle changes.

While we were working at the fish plant, we were making good money, and we were taking home sometimes $600 or $700 a week. But when there was no more Unemployment (Insurance) and no more anything, I had to go on TAGS. And it was only a little bit, like $200. So I had to cope with what there was, with a family and bills.

Members of one focus group described what was happening in their community:

Participant (P): People are losing their homes and can't cope with it because they can't afford to do what they were doing before, or living the way they were living before. So that can cause a lot of problems.

Facilitator (F): So people are losing their homes? And almost everything, some of them.

You've seen this?

Oh, yes. We're seeing it now. It's come to us slowly.

It's there. You can see it.

For many participants, the word 'poverty' was too strong a descriptor of the financial hardship in the three communities.

We still got roofs over our heads...we still got food...there is nobody starving around here. And there are some people on welfare...but with regards to say poverty,'s not that at all.

A number of participants said that poverty was not a problem in their community because local organizations existed that provided assistance to those in need. Although many participants did not know or did not believe it to be a problem in their community, there were others who suspected (or knew) that there was more hardship than was visibly apparent.

On the surface, this community looks rich. When you look at the cars and the houses, it looks rich. But it's like...It's superficial. Very, very superficial.

A few participants could testify to growing number of people on social assistance or in need of a food bank.

That has increased drastically as far as general assistance. I remember less than eight years ago, our biggest expense as far as general assistance was probably $350,000 or $400,000 a year, which we thought was a high amount at that time. Now you're talking close to a million dollars in general assistance. In our research, we talked to the food bank in Port Hawkesbury which is the closest food bank...They told us that in 1995, 350 people in Isle Madame had accessed food [there] at one time or another. So we think there probably is a need to have a food bank right here on Isle Madame.

Questions about the number of people leaving the communities because of financial hardship brought mixed response. People have always left these communities to seek work; it is nothing new. The current lack of employment was prompting many individuals and some

families to leave. However, it was generally not seen to be an unusual cause for concern, but rather a natural occurrence. Again, the particular concern about youth emerged.

There have been periods of mass migration, like to the cities and to Toronto. And I think if there were jobs elsewhere in Canada to go to, this would be happening right now. But I don't think it is happening on a large scale yet.

Yes, there are a lot of young people that are moving away now for work that worked in the fish plant year after year.

Predictions of harder times ahead

In all three communities, questions about the economy and its effects on people prompted frequent predictions of harder times to come.

It's not at crisis proportions yet, but it's going to come to that...I would say that a number of people have problems, family problems and emotional problems, and it's only going to get worse...

The level of violence and crime, I think it's going to get worse. I think when the money is cut off, when the moratorium is cut off, I think you're going to see crime levels and violence levels increase, within the family and within the community. You talk about resiliency. I'm not sure if this community has been resilient...because I don't think we've bottomed out. We will show our resiliency when all this support system is removed, and people can make it. It's very easy for this community to survive financially right now because of the support systems in place.

Summary:

Economic conditions and unemployment were by far seen as the biggest factors related to community problems. Participants saw evidence of poor economic conditions in both the closure of businesses and in the effects on community residents. Perhaps most distressing was the feeling that more severe economic hardship was yet to come.

Communal Apathy and Anger

Negative feelings and attitudes in the community were noted by participants in all communities. Some participants felt that these feelings and attitudes were barriers to communal action. Participants frequently described a community 'in waiting' for something to happen: the plants to reopen, a new industry to appear, extension of the TAGS program, the fish to return. The Coordinator from Dildo observed that 'people really feel that the fishery will reopen magically...when the funding for TAGS runs out.' One participant expressed it as 'waiting for the manna to fall.' The combination of a variety of negative feelings and attitudes likely contributes to this communal apathy.

The negative feelings and attitudes described included: feelings of powerlessness, blaming forces both outside and inside the community, denial, low self-confidence, dependency, parochialism, jealousy and resentment.

Feelings of powerlessness

Lack of communal action and the failure to accept responsibility can be the product of collective feelings of powerlessness.

That's a major, major problem because you have a vast majority of your population who is saying there is absolutely nothing they can do about any of the situations the community is facing. They haven't the knowledge, they say. They haven't the time; they haven't the ability. They use any number of excuses, and people are just not coming forward...We have very few people who would stand up right now and from the heart say, 'I could make a difference in this community; we can make a difference; we can make the community survive.' Out of 4300 residents that are left on the island...you might have 15 or 20 people who might say that, and if you took a polygraph test they would pass it.

It's like they are beaten. Not physically beaten, but psychologically. Like you can't win. You're lost. And your destiny is out of your hands. You can't control anything.

Blaming forces both outside and inside the community

We are so prone around here to saying, 'That group of fishermen destroyed it.'... And we'll also say, 'It's the government.' Now in order to get over our problems, we have to first recognize that it was our fault, or everyone's fault. When something goes wrong, there's always somebody to blame. Like...with the fishing industry, we are still trying to find the scapegoat...We are looking for someone to nail, looking for that one person and saying, 'Look, it's your fault.' I think a lot of times different groups have been known to lay the blame or point the finger at other people, other groups, that are trying to do things.

Denial

Some people just want to shut the whole thing out of their lives. They want to pretend that it's just not there. And it's not reality...

The people are - they don't believe it. They got their head in the sand. They don't want to know, so they ignore it. There's a total ignorance of the future.

Low self-confidence

I think that in the community there is a level of people that go to meetings, and they speak. And then there is the rest that go there, and they look and they listen. I know that some are very intimidated people. 'What difference am I going to make?' The self-esteem is very low amongst people in these communities...and when you don't have a great deal of confidence you have a whole culture of people who don't aspire to very great heights. I'm afraid it's rather damaging to a community because what you get is a spiral effect of negativity and pessimism and lack of seeking opportunities, lack of adventure...

The crab dispute, it was between residents of Cheticamp...That is when the lack of confidence and self-esteem came into play. 'We can't fight another community because they are stronger, but we can fight among ourselves.' And I think that could be a tragedy...For example, the school issue...it wasn't about fighting the government (although) everybody agreed that the government wasn't doing what it should have done. But there was certainly a fight within the community.

Dependency

Dependency was a dominant thread in the data about negativity and passivity. Many participants identified two sources of the dependence mentality: government handouts and big corporations.

I go back to when I grew up...and we didn't have all these things...There was much more support in the community...and there was never anything owed to anybody. It was self-reliancy. Then the government comes in with all these wonderful plans...The concepts are good, except they forget what they do to people in the long run. They forget that people are human. And that...when they give things to people, after awhile it is owed to them. And they become dependent. When you're looking at the community of Cheticamp, the things we [have been discussing] all revolves around that.

I think people are still entrenched in the belief that someone is going to make a living for them. We've been the product of a somewhat strong government social safety net that provided over 50 percent of the income on the island here for a long period of time. And the rest of it was provided by multi-nationals. And these corporations of course were managed elsewhere. We never saw a face to them, but it was all either the government...or someone from outside providing a living for you. And now, times have changed...and people have to adopt a new culture, and no one's going to do it for them any more. And that's the real obstacle, because we don't seem to be latching on to that concept.

The dependence mentality was seen as contributing to a lack of initiative. Income support programs were identified as prime culprits. Both EI and TAGS were seen as barriers to community action in all three sites.

They [complained] at first, but once TAGS came in they got all their money and they were happy. They never made a big fuss about Richmond Fisheries leaving. In [nearby community] they occupied the building. They stopped them. Here they didn't do anything. They had their money. They were fine. But now it's too late. It's gone.

A lot of people aren't taking advantage of programs that are offered. You call them, and they are not interested. Just in 1999 (the final year for TAGS). Some people say, 'Call me back in '99.'

Parochialism

Only in Isle Madame did division and rivalry among the local villages emerge as a problem. Many participants mentioned it. Sometimes exchanges between members of focus groups modelled it.

There is rivalry between small parts of the community...Instead of saying that we need to develop the island as a community, they would have to say whether they are from Petit de Grat or Arichat. They would say, 'Well, we have to develop Arichat, or West Arichat, or Petit de Grat.'

Recently, an attempt to select Arichat as the location for a new co-op grocery store for the island created bitter dissension. The existing store is in Petit de Grat.

Parochialism exists in every community...I think a prime example is the co-op. It's here (in Petit de Grat). We don't want it to leave here. And this parochialism can actually affect the economy, can affect the feeling of other people on the island. It's no secret that Petit de Grat and Arichat, there's ill feelings there...There's a lack of cohesiveness as far as the communities getting together.

Jealousy

The main source of jealousy was economic disparity among the population. A number of participants observed that some people do not like to see others succeed or get ahead.

I'm thinking here of crab fishermen who make a very good living. And they are the envy of their peers, where people feel that the good is not divided equally. It's not acceptable for all.

Some of these people, they are degraded on account of the fishery. They are not only angry but jealous of the others who have, and you don't have. And, 'You have a greater chance to do this than I do because I have no education,' but still they are not doing anything about it.

Resentment

The TAGS program was a source of deep resentment for many people in Isle Madame and Dildo.

I think the people who are not involved in the fishery...and are not on these programs (TAGS)...we see a lot of pity for the fishermen, and it's very sad that it happened, but we also have a lot of construction workers, plumbers, electricians...who are in the same boat. Unfortunately, the government is not handing them out anything...There seems to be a bit of that feeling in the air of how much more is the government going to hand out to these people?

Participants in a youth focus group spoke of their resentment of TAGS due to perceptions that the program was creating barriers to education for many high school graduates:

So we have bitterness due to the fact that fishermen's children have an easier job getting loans so they'll be easier to get to university quicker.

People on TAGS are going to get in to school before us. Oh, it makes me bitter.

I applied for school on the west coast (of Newfoundland), and I was number 108 on the waiting list. And now I'm like 200 because people on TAGS are getting ahead of me...I'll never get there. I can't wait around forever so I have to leave the province.

Community resentment about TAGS was not mentioned by participants from Cheticamp. It was probably less of an issue since proportionally fewer people were taking part in the program.

Competition for jobs was another cause for resentment in all three communities. Resentment toward retirees was mentioned by several participants in Cheticamp and Dildo.

There are so few jobs right now...and people rationalize in their minds who should have those jobs. And it has nothing to do with who is the best worker, or who does the most work. It has more to do with, 'Hey, I've got a family to raise. You should give me the job.' Another thing that we have that I don't think is right is retired [people] taking a job from the younger person...If you want to do something to make a few dollars on the side, by goodness, don't take it from somebody who don't have nothing, that just came out of university for five years that they have to pay back. It's not right.

Summary:

Many different and intense negative feelings were evident within the communities. Denial, low self-confidence and feelings of powerlessness drive the communities toward inaction. The consensus was that the problems are too big or beyond the control of the community. A sense of dependency and placing blame on forces outside the community contribute to inaction and create risk of future problems due to such inaction. Jealousy, resentment and parochialism serve to pull the community apart and force attention away from finding solutions to community problems.

Low Participation in Community Process and Development

All communities reported low levels of public participation in community process and development. Participants also identified barriers that contributed to the low participation levels. The sub-themes related to community participation included: low participation levels in long-term community service and process, low public participation in community development-sponsored meetings, it takes time for people to understand the meaning of community development, volunteer burnout as a barrier to participation, and low levels of education associated with lack of public participation.

Low participation levels in long-term community service and process

All communities reported low levels of public participation related to the sustained work and long-term commitment required to keep organizations going and to carry out community development process. In an observation about low turnout at the annual meetings of both the tourist and the recreation associations, the Community Coordinator in Cheticamp wrote, 'There is a noticeable downward trend in attendance at public meetings and, in my view, a lack of interest by the general public...It is difficult for a community group to provide a service that meets the needs of the community if there is no input from the general public. This is a concern you hear more and more.'

People depend so much on somebody else. And that's a problem. They'll go to an activity if [it] is set up, ready to go. They'll lend their support. But it's not active support. It's passive support. It's support in the way that they will pay $6 to get in and buy a beer, but as far as the organizational aspect, there's nil.

If it's something to do with some kind of crisis, I guess people will come out and give their support and that kind of thing. But if it's something related to some community service, it's hard to get people to attend.

Low public participation in community development-sponsored meetings

Public participation is an essential component of the community development process. Ironically, while community development organizations were held in high regard in all study communities, participants reported generally low levels of citizen participation in public meetings related to community development.

I don't think there is a lot of public participation in the evolution of this community. In terms of saying, 'This is what we want to do,' there is not a lot of involvement. There is involvement in socializing...sports...different aspects of community living. But in terms of saying, 'We want to do this for the community'...saying, 'We want to do something to change the direction the community is going in'...I don't think you will get the participation.

We had speakers telling of the progress of the Community Development. It was open to the public after lunch, and to my surprise, there wasn't that many people who attended at all. There were only a couple of people...It was disappointing. Like people knew it was going on but they didn't know what we were getting done, and they didn't want to get involved.

It takes time for people to understand what community development is about

Regarding participation in community development organizations and activities, several participants observed that community development was a new concept for many people, and that it will take time for them to embrace it and become more involved.

It will take some time for people to realize what development of a community means, because they've worked for an industry all their life and not had to worry about whether or not the company was making a profit or was going in the hole...As long as they were collecting their paycheque, everything was fine...So I think it's a matter of time before the individuals in the community will be able to realize what economic development is all about, and how much it is needed.

Volunteer burnout is a barrier to participation

What happens in the community is that we need more volunteers because there is less money, less projects coming in...and what has been actually happening is that we've been exhausting our volunteers...I mean you go to two or three meetings a day, and you do all this stuff, and you work until midnight. After a while and all the problems that go along with it, you just become tired. And I see that happening a lot.

[If you're looking for board members], that's a little bit harder because the group you're on is very small, so it's hard to find people who will take on the extra (work). The people here are asked to be involved in 500 things, and they're kind of leery about getting involved.

Low levels of education are associated with lack of public participation

A number of participants observed that the less educated people did not feel comfortable or capable of participating in public meetings and consultations.

Well, I find that the individuals who don't have a whole lot of education feel isolated. A lot of people have expressed to me, like going to meetings for example...sometimes they don't understand what [a speaker] is trying to put across...so this makes it very difficult to be able to communicate.

Summary:

Lack of participation in community process and development almost ensures that the communities' problems will not be resolved. It appears that the communities are struggling to comprehend and embrace the notion of community development. There are subgroups of the community that are working diligently but this can lead to burnout. If communities are unable to mobilize greater proportions of the population and tap into the strengths of members from all sectors of the society, including those who feel unable to contribute because of low education, their collective problems are unlikely to be dealt with effectively.

Cultural Barriers

Culture or heritage was explored to determine whether it played a role, positive or negative, on a community's ability to cope with adversity. Both positive and negative effects emerged. The positive effects of culture are reported in the description of protective factors.

Two negative themes related to culture were apparent: the fishing culture as a way of life is threatened and the promotion of the French language is a divisive issue. The first was evident in all three communities; the second was specific to the two Acadian communities.

The fishing culture as a way of life is threatened

In all three communities, but especially in Dildo, participants observed a profound cultural loss.

People are hurting. I mean, for a man...who has fished all his life, and can't even go out and get a fish for his family for supper...that is ridiculous. It's really come to something. If some of the old men who died years ago could come back and see things now...I don't know what they would think of it. They would be stunned thinking that you couldn't go get a fish for supper.

The fishing culture had a rhythm. It goes through the seasons. In the very early spring, the fishermen were at their nets...preparing their gear. They were ready to go. The fishery opened. They were out on the water...If it was June, it was capelin. If it was July, it was something else on the go. You could call it. You could see what was happening. It had a groundedness to it...there was a rhythm to it. That rhythm is not there any more.

Many of these people have been fishing for 20, 25 years. They know nothing else...it's their way of life. They did their job. They did it well. And just like that, it's taken out of their hands. Where are they going to go? I mean, some of these people would come into my office, and they want to die. They want to die. And you try to explain to them that the economy is changing. They don't want to hear that. They just want to hear that they can go back to fishing.

The promotion of French is a source of division within the Acadian communities

The data showed French heritage to be a source of pride, identity and connection for people in Cheticamp and Isle Madame. There were testimonials to the existence of harmony between French and English in the two Acadian communities. However, there were significantly more which pointed to deeply felt divisions within the Acadian population with regard to the promotion of the French language. The division occurred between those who favoured vigorous promotion of the French language, and those who preferred a more laissez faire bilingual approach.

It is important to note that references to divisions between French and English members of the population do not usually refer exclusively to people of distinct cultural/linguistic heritage. Most people in these communities have Acadian roots, but not all choose to, or are able to, use French as their primary language.

You get some people saying, 'We're trying to get people to be strictly francophone,' and all that. And, 'We should promote bilingualism,' and all that. You get some people a little pissed off...but it's nothing really serious. I mean, the people who are trying to promote French are just trying to preserve our culture. That's all it is basically.

It seems that there is a whole lot of extra funding going out for French programs. And of course the English see this and sometimes they don't think that it's fair, which I agree to a certain extent.

In Isle Madame, this cultural division had an added dimension. A majority of the most vigorous pro-French activists live in one of the island villages, and it has become the centre of a number of educational and economic initiatives which promote Acadian culture and the French language.

The French in Petit de Grat are being called a minority, but they're not. They're the most powerful group on the island. Some people regard them [as being] too active, or proactive, in their thinking as far as culture...You could probably say that Petit de Grat and the island are separate when it comes to French and English. How you stop that, I don't know.

School board policy regarding language in the local schools is a flash point in Acadian communities across Nova Scotia. In Cheticamp, people often spoke of the mid-80s when the whole community became involved in controversy over Acadian versus bilingual status for the local schools. Bitter memories remain, and fear was expressed in both communities that the issue may soon resurface because the recent amalgamation of school boards in Nova Scotia has created a new Acadian school board for the province, and it appears committed to a unilingual French program.

The only problem that we can see that has happened a few years back is the division that the Acadian school has done to our community. And that problem, I would say, is there, was there, and will be there for quite a bit of time. Even now with the regional (school) board for the English people, and then you have the French board - it's like automatically you see that little division, and then one board's accusing the other of not letting the people know exactly what they are up to. Hopefully it will not happen, but as far as I am concerned maybe it's just a time bomb for the near future.

Oh, there was a lot of interpersonal problems. I know that they caused families to separate. Friends who, to this day, won't speak to each other...and others have let it tide over and they're okay. But for some, it's still a very, very sensitive matter. It's still very much to the heart.

In Isle Madame, people were reacting to rumours that their bilingual school may be headed for similar changes. The Community Coordinator observed that the community recognized 'the need to share the culture with those who were losing it the fastest: youth.' However, he noted the prevailing question as to whether a unilingual French school would enhance or obstruct future educational and occupational prospects for its graduates. High school students discussed the issue during a focus group.

There's the new school plan. I think they're going to separate the French and English students. I don't know if it's a good idea or not.

I heard that no French people were going to go for that. They said that they weren't keen to the idea of having...an Acadian school and an English school.

Summary:

The loss of the rich cultural traditions associated with fishing seems to produce a sense of aimlessness and mourning. The desire to continue doing what is familiar is an obstacle to dealing with the communities' problems. The promotion of the French language appears to have created resentment and division within the Acadian communities. At a time when the community needs to pull together to deal with its problems, current and historic conflicts related to French language and culture seem to impair this process.

Low Literacy/Education Levels

Questions related to levels of literacy/education yielded mixed responses. While participants almost always acknowledged that many people in the community lacked formal education, just over half believed this to be a problem for the community. Several people noted that low literacy is a concern throughout Canada and not just in their community. Participants also made links between low literacy, education levels and negative feelings. The sub-themes related to literacy and education were: low levels of literacy/education are common among fishery workers of all ages, low levels of literacy are a source of shame and stress for many displaced workers, low levels of literacy/education are associated with negativity and low self-confidence, and low levels of literacy/education are a problem for many people seeking employment.

Low levels of literacy/education are common among fishery workers of all ages

Because of our fishing background, our education wasn't really stressed...To work to cut fish you didn't need an education. So yes, there's a lot of illiteracy out there, and older illiteracy. The younger kids, the dropout isn't as bad as I think it was for my generation.

I think a lot of them dropped out of school because maybe their parents couldn't afford to keep them in. They figured maybe by going to work or into the fish plant...and getting their 10 or 12 stamps to go on UI, they could help out.

In a group of middle-aged displaced fishery workers, one participant expressed feelings that the others affirmed.

I regret not finishing school. I have finished it since the moratorium, but when you think about all you could have had had you finished...

A few participants noted that low levels of literacy were not restricted to older workers. One woman spoke of a needs assessment that was conducted in her community a few years ago.

One of the biggest surprises...was the literacy rate of this area...but I was really surprised that people between the ages of 22 to 32 couldn't read and write...Actually, a friend of mine who is 26 or 27 (has) Grade 8 education. I know a lot of people like that...people that are involved in the fishery. They kind of figured this was their livelihood. They didn't want to go ahead.

Low levels of literacy are a source of shame and stress for many displaced workers

There are a lot of proud people who don't know how to read and write, and don't want to start learning at 55 and 60 years...and there are people younger than that. And if [others] don't know they can't read and write, they don't want to start letting people know.

I was talking to this guy, and he said, 'You know, I can't see myself being in an upgrading program.' And I said, 'Maybe in '99 you can't see yourself not being in it.' He said, 'I'm so scared.' I said, 'You have to get out.' He said, 'I can't. I just can't do it.'

Low levels of literacy/education are associated with negativity and low self-confidence

There is a very negative attitude out there. And the people that talk like that are those with a low level of education...They don't look at what they have. They have people skills that are unbelievable, even with Grade 2 or 3...They're very intelligent and skilled people. They can do anything, but they don't see it. I think people who would have the wherewithal...to become adventurers with whatever skills they have...would find that there are many things they could do. But what's lacking here, it's not so much the literacy level. I think it's a feeling of lack of confidence.

Low levels of literacy/education are a problem for many people seeking employment

I guess it's not a problem if the jobs were there...When the fish plants were here, the labour jobs, you didn't need the education. But now, when that kind of job isn't available...there is more of a disadvantage.

There is an education level problem...They can't read or write. Where are they going to go? So as the economy changes, depending on what jobs are no longer available...I would say in the last three or four years, yes, there is [a problem]...I mean, I've got my Grade 12, and I've got a lot of job experience, but I've got an education problem because the jobs available out there right now [require more]. And before, job experience really counted.

Several participants were quick to reframe the question. The problem is not low levels of literacy/education, they stated. It's the lack of jobs, which leaves even educated and skilled people without employment.

If we had enough jobs [for the younger people], even though it would take quite a bit of education and technology and everything, if we had a good system well, there would be room for these people who are not really educated for the challenges of the 90s. Overall, I don't think [literacy/education] is a major problem at this time.

Several participants were dubious about the benefits of upgrading.

Some people have been working at that [fish plant] for over 20 years, and they're still in their thirties, with education of Grades 2, 3, 4 and 5. So education is definitely a problem. But worse than that is, you can send these people for upgrading. You can send them to get Grade 12, but what's a Grade 12 today? There's nothing you can do. There's got to be some kind of training.

Summary:

Low literacy and education levels create community problems for a number of reasons. The prevalence of undereducated adults within these communities can be a barrier to creating and or attracting new forms of employment. In addition, negative feelings related to low literacy and education impair the community's ability to develop solutions to its problems.

Geographic Isolation

Participants were asked whether geographic isolation was a problem for their community. While two participants from Isle Madame observed that the advent of communications technology is making isolation less of a disadvantage for residents of rural communities, the need for travel to access goods and services remains a fact of life for most people. Most participants did not feel that the distance to larger centres was a serious barrier. Travel by vehicle to access services appeared to be an accepted part of the culture in small communities. However, for certain groups in the population and in certain circumstances, geographic isolation was a significant problem. Sub-themes related to geographic isolation were: youth boredom is a product of geographic isolation and the related lack of leisure and recreation activities, geographic isolation is a barrier for people without transportation, distance from major medical facilities is a concern, winter driving conditions are a concern for people in isolated communities, and political isolation is associated with geographic isolation.

Youth boredom is a product of geographic isolation and the related lack of leisure and recreation activities

The most prevalent theme by far in the negative data related to geographic isolation was that of youth boredom. It was expressed by youthful participants themselves, but also by adults. Lack of recreation and leisure facilities in small communities was at the heart of youths' problem with isolation. A group of young people in Dildo made this clear when asked what was hard about living in their community.

There is nothing to do.

We could spend hours on that one.

If I want to see a movie, I have to go all the way over to Carbonear. And if you don't have your licence, how do you get there?

The lack of things to do. Like people feel like they have nothing to do so they drink.

Older members of all communities acknowledged the problem.

They have to travel by car...before they can really get involved in anything. There is not much in our area for kids. I mean if they want to go bowling or skating or swimming, anything like that, they have to go outside the community...Travel is a problem. And if your spouse is working away (with the family car), they're lost. Which happens a lot in my family.

A group of adults was sympathetic to the problems of youth.

I think the problem is that the teenagers are kind of separated from the community. If you're not 19, you can't go to an adult dance. You're almost living in a separate world, and there's just nothing for you to do here. You're locked out of the mainstream of your community.

And that's why people go away. They turn 19; they go away, and they never come back because they didn't have that connection to the community. So they say, 'There's nothing there. There's nothing home.'

Geographic isolation is a barrier for people without transportation

While owning a vehicle and using it to access goods and services seemed to be a 'given' in these communities, there were acknowledgements from all three sites that this was not the case for everybody.

Getting off this island - there's no public transportation. You have to own a vehicle, which is very difficult when you are living on the lower end of the scale. I remember when we used to talk about this TAGS program, and the agencies would call me and say, 'Okay, just tell them to come up to Port Hawkesbury at any time, or Inverness.' They would come to my office, these people. They don't have a car, or they don't have any money to put gas in it...to get to Port Hawkesbury.

Distance from major medical facilities is a concern

Concern about distance from major medical facilities frequently appeared in the responses about geographic isolation and professional services. This is clearly an issue in small communities, as is the stress that it can create for the families of patients undergoing extended treatment a long way from home.

If anything does happen, and you have to stay at a bigger hospital in an urban centre...and if your family is to come, they have to stay there in a motel or in a bed and breakfast. They'll often eat in restaurants...Not everybody can go stay with [family]. So it can end up costing quite a bit to do that.

If someone has cancer, kidney disease, anything like that, I find that they have to go to the mainland. I think that those facilities should be here in Newfoundland. One reason is that the whole family can be there if something has to be done. I find that when just one member goes with the person who is sick, I don't think that's enough to go, and there is no funding for extra people in the family.

Winter driving conditions are a concern for people in isolated communities

Anxiety associated with icy roads was mentioned by several participants during the discussion about geographic isolation. Most came from Cheticamp, which is known for harsh winter conditions. Of the three communities, it is located farthest from a larger centre. A participant in a women's focus group from Cheticamp voiced her concern about accessing medical services in winter. This community had recently lost its obstetrical services.

In winter we've got very bad road conditions and even worse weather conditions. It's not funny. For a woman...going into labour in the winter months would be very difficult. If I were to have children now, I'd make sure I'd be having them in the summer so that I wouldn't have to worry about weather conditions.

(Translated from French)

Political isolation is associated with geographic isolation

Several participants in the two Acadian communities in Cape Breton expressed feelings of political isolation and invisibility:

We are very isolated in the fact that when we want to project a voice to the government, for example, what do we do? They don't know we exist...When it comes to trying to relay employment complaints or problems or proposals or whatever, it seems that we always have to go outside the community...Sometimes different...jobs or projects...will come up somewhere and we never hear about it until the program is almost over and there is no money left...I guess what I'm trying to say is (that) if we don't make that super, super effort to go outside of the community and find out, we don't find out anything. This is not a centralized place. It's away from everyone.

I would say they feel isolated both from the government in Halifax and the government in Ottawa. Federally, all the money goes to central Canada, Upper Canada. And provincially, very little of it comes out of Halifax, and if it does, it will go to Sydney rather than small communities like ourselves.

A group of community leaders spoke of isolation from the municipal government of the region. Cultural barriers were seen to be part of the problem.

One of the things that struck me when I came here to Cheticamp was that the (seat of the) municipality was an hour away in Port Hood. It's like having the city of Summerside deciding what will be done in the Acadian region of Evangeline on Prince Edward Island.

The problem is that Port Hood is very far, and that those people are different. They can say that they understand Cheticamp, but they aren't Acadians and they don't understand a lot of the realities in the region.

(Translated from French)

Summary:

Geographic isolation was seen as a relatively minor risk factor in these communities. However, for youth and for people without transportation, isolation was acknowledged to be a problem. Similarly, when specialized medical services were required, or when winter road conditions were bad, distance from other communities was problematic. Geographic isolation was also associated with feelings of political isolation.

Social Isolation

Social isolation was assessed by asking whether particular groups of people within the population felt (or might feel) isolated. They were asked, for instance, whether theirs was a community that made newcomers feel welcome. Discussions about the experiences of newcomers often broadened to address the more general topic of the community's openness to new ideas and to different races and cultures.

The information on this subject is rich, contradictory and fascinating because of the variety of perspectives and experiences. Most of the participants gave a positive response when asked whether their community made newcomers feel welcome. However, few participants could speak from experience. Most of the information presenting contradictory opinions and experiences came from the only study site to hold a focus group with people recently arrived in the community. We are left with a picture of three communities where local people see their community as one that welcomes those who 'come from away,' whether these be visitors or new residents, but where the experience of the newly arrived sometimes contradicts this image. As the data showed, social isolation, lack of belonging and even hostility may be encountered by new residents who are 'different' or who do not have family connections in the community. Resistance to new ideas and experiences is expected to be a risk factor in community resiliency. The sub-themes related to social isolation were: communities can present pictures of contradiction with regard to openness to new people, ideas and different cultures and, some newcomers experience isolation, lack of belonging and hostility.

Communities can present pictures of contradiction with regard to openness to new people, ideas and different cultures

Most of the participants expressed similar views related to openness.

I know of several new people in our area and they just love it here. They find the people very friendly...I've been talking to a couple who moved in recently, within the past year, and they told me they have made a lot of new friends since they've been here. They really like it here.

Outside observers had a similar impression about one of the communities where a focus group was held with professional service providers who were non-residents, but who had worked for several years in the community and the surrounding region. Group members reaffirmed the picture of a receptive community:

I've lived and worked in different communities around this island, and it seems to me that there is a clear distinction between what I term a 'closed' community and an 'open' community. And I find that this community is a very open community, that is to say it's open to newcomers and to new ideas...[It] attempts for draw those people in and incorporate them in the community.

I agree...This community is very much a close knit community, but nonetheless, it's very open to outsiders who are coming in, and (it) will take the talents and the progress of outsiders and use that in their own community. There are many communities around which don't do that.

Demonstrating that insiders and outsiders may have a very different view of things, and that perspective often varies between generations, the youth focus group from the same community painted a contrasting picture. They described many people as holding 'old views,' and as being closed minded to new ideas and people who were 'different':

I think...there is a lot of racism. Not intentional racism, but there are a lot of wrong ideas.

Lack of knowledge basically.

There is a lot of people don't realize what is outside of the community.

I think it's from lack of exposure. It's because everyone is the same. There are just not a lot of different people to show.

Like there is a gay couple...and they tend to be looked down on by most people, and shunned by most people.

People around here, they are still really racist about everything...There are still people making fun of black people and Chinese people.

It's unintentional. And I don't think if anyone came here, everyone would be deliberately mean or racist.

No, but they would make jokes because they are uncomfortable, and because it's different.

Members of adult focus groups from the other two communities acknowledged that not everybody is made to feel welcome:

If you haven't lived here your whole life you tend to be considered an outsider...Some people have lived here 20 and 25 years, and they're still an outsider.

And what did the newcomers themselves have to say? A few confirmed the welcome and acceptance that most of the local participants described from observation. The majority, however, told a different story.

Some newcomers experience isolation, lack of belonging and hostility

I've been here 24 years, and I still feel that I'm not one of this community...I feel like I can't fit in. I don't know why it is, but I just can't fit into the way of life here. Because I find a lot of people very cold. They got their own friends and it seems that they don't want other people in there.

As also described in the section on community anger, in times of high unemployment, there is deep hostility toward the newcomer who competes for a local job.

I was born here, and I came home (seven years ago) when times were not tough like they are now, and it was like you're very welcome. You can join in. Everybody wants you to do volunteer (work). I was very accepted. But when you're out there in the job force looking for work, you are a threat...When I took the job...it was to the point where I found it so stressful...They felt so threatened because, 'Oh my God, here is a woman who has 10 years' experience outside!' It's amazing...It doesn't go away. So I find that for newcomers, sometimes it's a challenge. Depending on who you are.

Most of the first-hand information came from the nine participants of a newcomers' focus group in one of the Acadian communities. It was a mixed group, comprising both returned natives and 'come-from-away's,' bilingual and unilingual (English) persons. Ages ranged from mid-20s to late 60s. They addressed many of the themes identified above, and confirmed the variety of experience. All but one participant acknowledged that newcomers often do feel isolated.

Always feeling like an outsider was the experience of most participants, and for some, it was one of the toughest things about living in the community:

I don't feel I'll ever be accepted in [this community]. Me neither.

No matter what I do, I'll be accepted for myself, for what I can do for the community - 'nice guy,' you know, great, do this, do that...but I don't speak French...I tried and I was a complete failure. I feel that, I don't think I would ever be accepted as one of the boys.

I agree.

I feel the same way, but I'm lucky in that I don't care. I have no problem with that myself.

In an Acadian community, not speaking French can isolate the newcomer from important information:

I find that one of the problems is that...it's hard to find out exactly who's in charge and who's really running things at first, because you're from away, and because, in my case, I don't speak the language...There tend to be cliques anywhere you go...In a small place like this they're not as big, but finding out how you go about getting something done is more difficult.

If you're not rooted in the community, acceptance is a long time coming, as a returned native acknowledged:

You're describing the (typical) small community life. Everybody who grows up here, they've known somebody for 27 years. I grew up here. I left...I was away close to 40 years, and I came back. But I do know people; I do know the community. You take any one of us, these people you've grown up with, any other is a stranger. They're very courteous, but it takes a long time to gain that different status. And some will gain it much quicker than others. When you look at that, you should look at yourself.

Summary:

Social isolation appeared to be a risk in part because the communities were unaware of the potential problems in accepting new people, ideas and different cultures. For newcomers, isolation was related to feelings of a lack of belonging, and hostility. These problems with social isolation likely impair the community's ability to explore new options and use the ideas and experiences of people from diverse backgrounds.